The colonial legacy in our digital infrastructure
The history of colonialism is often understood as a physical phenomenon: the subjugation of nations, the extraction of resources, and the imposition of foreign systems of governance. However, in the 21st century, colonialism has evolved into something more subtle yet equally pervasive—digital colonialism. This form of control is exerted not through military force but through the dominance of digital infrastructure, platform economies, and the manipulation of data flows. In this new era, countries in the Global South, including Bangladesh, find themselves in a state of structural dependence on the technological and regulatory frameworks imposed by the Global North. The consequences of this dependency affect economic development and even fundamental rights such as freedom of expression and privacy.
At the heart of this modern form of colonialism is the concentration of digital power. Big Tech corporations, predominantly based in the United States and China, dictate the architecture of the digital world. Platforms such as Facebook, Google, Amazon, and Microsoft do not just dominate markets; they also control the information ecosystem itself. Data, the new economic resource, is extracted from users in the Global South, processed in data centres located abroad, and monetised without significant benefit to the originating country. This is eerily similar to the economic model of historical colonialism, where raw materials were taken from the colonies, refined in imperial centres, and sold back to the colonies at a profit.
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The term digital divide is commonly used to describe disparities in internet access between different regions of the world. However, the divide is no longer simply about connectivity; it is about control, governance, and agency over digital resources. Bangladesh has made impressive strides in digital expansion, with internet penetration now exceeding 50 percent of the population (Bangladesh Telecommunication Regulatory Commission, 2023). However, this connectivity does not necessarily translate into empowerment. Instead, much of the country's digital economy operates under the influence of foreign platforms, which dictate the rules of engagement.
Unlike the European Union, which has imposed strong data protection regulations through the General Data Protection Regulation, Bangladesh lacks a comprehensive legal framework to protect user data from exploitation. In the absence of such protections, the personal data of millions of Bangladeshis is harvested and monetised by global tech firms with little oversight or accountability. Moreover, without a robust policy framework, local users are vulnerable to unauthorised government surveillance, misuse of personal data by both state agencies and private corporations, and a complete lack of legal recourse in cases of data breaches or privacy violations.
The case of Facebook's Free Basics initiative illustrates how such dependencies can be exploited. Initially promoted as a way to bring free internet to underserved populations, Free Basics was ultimately banned in India for violating net neutrality laws. Nevertheless, the programme continues to operate in Bangladesh and over 60 other countries, giving Facebook disproportionate control over the digital experiences of millions of users (Kwet, 2019).
There is also a troubling lack of regulatory power over content moderation. Digital platforms enforce content policies developed in the United States or Europe, which often fail to account for the political and cultural nuances of the Global South. Reports have shown that moderation efforts on platforms such as Facebook and YouTube are highly inconsistent, with harmful and inflammatory content often left unchecked in non-Western contexts (Digital Rights Foundation, 2022). Meanwhile, governments in the Global South, including Bangladesh, have leveraged these platforms to suppress dissent, request user data, and exert control over digital narratives, creating a paradox where local authorities may lack power over Big Tech but still exploit digital platforms to advance state surveillance.
The Global South's digital sovereignty dilemma
Digital sovereignty—the ability of a nation to control its own digital destiny—is increasingly at risk in the Global South. Unlike Europe, which has exercised regulatory power through the Brussels Effect, and China, which has pursued state-driven digital expansion through the Beijing Effect, most developing countries remain passive recipients of external digital governance models. The EU's regulatory influence has been particularly significant, shaping global discussions on data privacy, competition law, and artificial intelligence. The Digital Markets Act and the Digital Services Act have introduced strict rules on platform accountability, aiming to curb monopolistic practices and enhance consumer protection (Larsen, 2022). However, these laws are designed primarily with European users in mind, with limited applicability to nations that lack the institutional capacity to enforce similar measures.
China, on the other hand, has pursued a more direct approach to digital sovereignty, promoting its own technological ecosystem through the Digital Silk Road initiative. By exporting surveillance technologies, telecommunications infrastructure, and AI-driven governance tools, China has created an alternative model of digital governance that appeals to many developing nations seeking to escape Western regulatory dominance. Huawei, for instance, has built significant portions of Bangladesh's digital infrastructure, including 4G and 5G networks (Digital China Initiative, 2023). While these partnerships offer technological benefits, they also raise concerns about state surveillance and overreliance on Chinese technology.
India has emerged as a third major player, seeking to balance digital sovereignty with economic openness. The so-called Delhi Effect has been defined by India's efforts to regulate foreign tech companies while promoting indigenous digital alternatives. Policies such as the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 and the regulation of digital lending platforms demonstrate India's intent to assert control over its own digital space. By contrast, Bangladesh lacks a clear strategic direction in digital governance. Existing laws, such as the now-repealed Digital Security Act and the draft Cyber Protection Ordinance, focus more on controlling online speech than on ensuring data sovereignty or platform accountability.
Antitrust laws and the struggle for digital accountability
Another critical aspect of digital colonialism is the absence of strong antitrust laws to counterbalance the power of tech firms over users. While the EU and the US have recently intensified their scrutiny of digital monopolies, much of the Global South remains vulnerable to unchecked data extraction, algorithmic biases, and lax enforcement of digital accountability. The Bangladesh Competition Act, 2012 was designed to prevent anti-competitive practices but has proven inadequate in addressing the unique challenges posed by digital markets.
This outdated framework has allowed tech companies to operate with little to no accountability, often abusing monopolistic powers and practices. The absence of stringent regulations means that companies can harvest vast amounts of personal data without user consent, exploit algorithmic biases that disproportionately affect marginalised groups, and avoid legal consequences for failing to moderate harmful content. The case of Facebook's inadequate response to misinformation and hate speech in Myanmar—which contributed to real-world violence—is a stark reminder of the dangers of weak digital governance.
Furthermore, automated decision-making systems, powered by AI-driven algorithms, have become integral to digital platforms but remain largely unregulated in Bangladesh. These systems dictate everything from job recruitment and credit scoring to content recommendations, often reinforcing existing biases. Without robust legal mechanisms to challenge discriminatory algorithmic outcomes, users in Bangladesh and other Global South nations remain at the mercy of opaque, profit-driven tech policies.
Reclaiming digital futures: The path forward
The battle against digital colonialism is not just about resisting foreign dominance; it is about building self-sustaining digital ecosystems that prioritise local needs. To achieve this, Bangladesh and other Global South nations must adopt a multi-pronged approach that includes regulatory reforms, technological investments, and regional cooperation.
Developing local digital infrastructure is essential. Investments in domestic data centres, cloud services, and locally owned digital platforms can reduce reliance on foreign tech giants. At the same time, stronger data protection laws are needed to prevent the unchecked extraction of personal information. Bangladesh must move beyond restrictive internet laws and instead focus on comprehensive privacy legislation that aligns with both international human rights standards and the country's own digital development goals.
The country must also modernise its competition laws to reflect the realities of digital markets. Establishing clear regulatory frameworks on data governance, enforcing accountability for algorithmic biases, and fostering transparency in AI-driven decision-making can ensure fairer digital participation.
Finally, digital literacy must be prioritised. Citizens must be equipped with the knowledge and skills to understand how their data is used, how algorithms shape their online experiences, and how they can exercise greater control over their digital rights.
Digital colonialism is the defining technological struggle of our time. Bangladesh must move beyond passive participation in the digital economy and assert its own models of governance, economic participation, and technological innovation. This is not merely a question of infrastructure but of sovereignty, democracy, and the fundamental right to shape one's own digital future. The time for action is now.
Zarif Faiaz is a journalist at The Daily Star and a researcher at Tech Global Institute.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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