Yet only a few months ago it seemed that the country was moving away from the path of confrontation, the seed of which had been distinctly sown on May 16, 2004 when the BNP-Jamaat-led alliance government had amended the constitution to extend the retirement age for judges to 67 years from 65.

The main opposition party Awami League was already suspicious of the way the alliance government was politicising all institutions of the country in an effort to ensure its perpetual stay in power.

The May 2004 amendment solidified AL's belief that BNP was conspiring to appoint a retired chief justice as the chief of the caretaker government before the next election, who was quite well known as a BNP loyalist.

From then on AL kept on saying that it would not accept retired chief justice KM Hasan as the chief of the caretaker government. Nonetheless with the new retirement age for judges in effect, KM Hasan was all set to become the chief of the interim government to be formed.

Instead of responding to any of the objections of AL, the BNP-led alliance government's unilateral actions in connection with a controversial voter list, and appointments of the chief election commissioner (CEC) and the other election commissioners, deepened the animosity between the rival political camps. By the time the alliance government was ready to hand over power to the caretaker government on October 29 last year, almost all government organisations with links to holding of the upcoming election appeared to be dominated by the ruling alliance loyalists.

In that crucial month, AL General Secretary Abdul Jalil and BNP Secretary General Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan also initiated their negotiations across the political divide, which failed miserably to the dismay of the people as BNP was not ready to make any major concession.

As a result, everyone became afraid that the handover of power will be followed by a bloody political confrontation. A large number of BNP leaders and other beneficiaries of its decrepit regime -- many of whom were later accused of graft -- consequently left the country by October 29, only to return home soon after realising that the newly formed caretaker government was also very much within the control of BNP, although it was not in power anymore.

Amid such a tense political atmosphere, retired chief justice KM Hasan surprised the intransigent BNP-Jamaat-led alliance with an announcement that he would not become the caretaker government chief.

Then as per the plan of BNP's advisers, President Iajuddin Ahmed, who was very much loyal to BNP chief Khaleda Zia, became the chief of the caretaker government on October 29.

President Iajuddin Ahmed grossly disappointed the nation by continuing to do what the alliance government had been doing. It became clear to all thinking individuals that Iajuddin would not do anything without the approval of Khaleda Zia.

In the face of an ensuing raging movement, a cosmetic change to the status quo was attempted, in a bid to resolve the crisis, by sending the controversial erstwhile CEC MA Aziz to a vacation. But the cosmetic change could not prettify the situation as the Election Commission was adorned with additional two new commissioners who were more vigorously pro-BNP, including one who had sought election nomination from BNP earlier.

Iajuddin's caretaker government got the ultimate public rebuke through the resignations of four important advisers of his own cabinet in December.

In line with the immediate past four-party alliance government's design, the Election Commission was all set to hold the election on January 22. The BNP-Jamaat-led alliance appeared over-confident about ramming its plan through, while AL was frantically trying to forge a bigger opposition coalition and was lobbying the international community hard to stop the election.

As the election was visibly heading to become a 'one-party' poll, the international community put tremendous pressure on all influential quarters of the country, including the defence forces, to stop the election in a bid to avoid possible post election violence.

Consequently the top brass of the armed forces met President Iajuddin on January 11, prompting him to declare the current state of emergency in line with constitutional provisions.

On January 12, a new caretaker government was formed, dissolving the previous one, with ex-Bangladesh Bank governor Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed at its helm. Political activities were banned and a series of reform measures seemed to be on the horizon.

Soon after the regime change, controversial CEC MA Aziz quit the Election Commission.

The joint forces then launched an anti-corruption drive. On February 4, the joint forces arrested more than a dozen of big names in politics including Mohammad Nasim of Awami League and Salauddin Quader Chowdhury of BNP.

On March 7, the joint forces arrested Khaleda Zia's elder son Tarique Rahman, who had been accused of the most nefarious of graft in the country over the previous five years.

A dominating and powerful political leader like Khaleda Zia however apparently remained under house arrest during the phase.

Initially Awami League chief Sheikh Hasina welcomed the military backed caretaker government, urging it to hold the election within the next six months.

But by April, things looked different for Hasina too. With a 'minus two' theory in play, Hasina suddenly realised in early April that the caretaker government was viewing her and Khaleda Zia in the same vein. During that time she was visiting her daughter in the USA.

An extortion case was filed against Hasina on April 9 and then the caretaker government announced that she would not be allowed to return to Bangladesh. However, Hasina raised enough international support against the government move forcing it to ultimately change its stance.

Hasina returned home on May 7. But ever since, her movement became restricted and her party colleagues were also not allowed to meet her, a move that exceedingly isolated her from them. Afterwards, the joint forces arrested AL General Secretary Abdul Jalil.

Soon different presidium members of AL started speaking against Hasina implying that she had been the principal hindrance to bringing reforms and democracy to the party.

The month of June also saw filing of two new cases against Sheikh Hasina, and revival of the old graft cases against her. Hasina was arrested in connection with one of those cases on Monday.

However till now no case has been filed against Khaleda Zia.