However, the new nation that emerged in 1971 as Bangladesh after a year of bloody struggle for recognition willfully ignored the very existence of ethnic groups other than the Bengalis. The country's constitution, framed in 1972, is the proof of such willful negation of the right to be different. It has had policy implications on ethnic groups as a whole. Initially there had been a forceful demand from the ruling regime that the ethnic groups in the country should accept "Bangalism" as their identity. This ideological posture contradicts the historical language movement of 1952 and then the liberation war in 1971, fought in the name of the recognition of Bengali identity as a language and as culturally different. The historic opportunity for an harmonious multi-cultural Bangladesh was lost and set the stage for three decades of struggle. The subsequent history of the country is a testimony of the immediate backlashes of this policy adoption.

Mr. Manabendra Narayan Larma, the then sole MP from the Jummas of Chittagong Hill Tracts protested the move for framing the country's constitution on a single nationality. He insisted that the constitution should be based on multi-ethnicity. He demanded that the adivasis have rights to be different with distinct cultures, customs, history, traditions and they are not Bengalis His demand was forcefully turned down. The result was the formation of the Shantibahini and the struggle for autonomy by the Jummas in the Chittagong Hill region lasting for almost three decades. The struggle was concluded through a peace treaty in 1997 led by Joyotiridra Bhudipriya Larma, Chairman, Parbataya Chattagram Jana Sanhati Samity.

Almost simultaneously, there was another struggle in the North-Eastern part of Bangladesh (the then greater Mymensingh),on the Bangladesh/Meghalaya (India) border in 1975 following the death of Sheik Mujibur Rahman. This struggle was commonly known as Kaderia Songram (insurgence) because it was led by a famous freedom fighter Kader Sidiquee. The majority of the recruits were from among indigenous/tribal communities -- Garos and Hajongs who were freedom fighters earlier in 1971 (90 percent of Garos, Koch, and Hajongs residing along the border of greater Mymensingh had to take refuge in India during the liberation. Hundreds of them joined freedom struggle). Being frustrated for the willful ignorance of their sacrifice and contributions to the 1971 liberation war, they justified joining the 1975 insurgency as an opportunity to promote their rights. It was President Ziaur Rahman who took the initiative of negotiations that led to the end of the insurgency in 1977.

This adoption of the policy of ethnic majority has eventually defeated the very ideology of democracy, human rights and good governance -- and above all the very ideology of nationalism. It was nationalism that brought the country together to throw away the hegemony of West Pakistan. It is indeed a paradox that the nation imbued with an ideology of nationalism would adopt a hegemonistic attitude towards other nationalities in the country. A chance for the development of multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society was missed. Consequently in many cases the rights of adivasis have been denied -- such as in the case of the Modhupur Forest where century-old roads are blocked with 6 feet high brick walls, ancestral lands taken, livelihood bases robbed -- and all these are done without discussion and consultation. Modhupur National park will be built for providing recreational facilities for the affluent middle class of Dhaka.

Demands of ethnic groups are vibrant and grow stronger. The voice that was raised in 1972 for equality, fraternity and for constitutional recognition still vibrates in the depths of indigenous people's minds, in the murmuring forests and alleys of hills where they live, and it is getting louder and is trumpeting in the streets of the capital. It is time policy makers and the people of good-will in the country open their ears and eyes to the rightful demands of 45 ethnic communities numbering almost 2.5 million. It is encouraging to see that thousands of voices from the mainstream Bengalis -- printed media and civil society groups, are raised in support of the ethnic communities and their rightful demands. In the cases of Modhupur National park at Tangail and at Mahalchari event, Kagrachori Chittagong Hill Tracts, Eco-tourism at Kulaura, Maulovibazar people from all walks of life came to protest. Eventually this will not only prevent and protect the indigenous communities from marginalisation and social exclusion -- it will also bless the nation at large by enhancing democratisation processes, human rights development, and arresting negative trends towards mono-ethnicitism. Our generations will be enriched with ethnic diversity and cultural richness. After all, the signature of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Treaty is the tacit recognition of the very existence of indigenous and Tribal peoples in the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh -- so why this hesitation and delay in the constitutional recognition of all ethnic groups in the country ?

Albert Mankin, a Garo, heads CIPRAD (Centre for Indigenous Peoples Research and Development) and is vice-chairman of Bangladesh Adivasi Forum.